Before 1999, few people had heard of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defense Corps (NSCDC). Although the organisation had existed informally since the time of the Ibrahim Babangida regime, its visibility, role and function had remained largely in the background. As a voluntary organisation with specific interest in maintaining order and security, it caters to all comers; it provides some kind of palliative to the unemployed, retrenched and the unemployable as well as competent young and old Nigerians with desire to serve their country. It operated more or less like an advanced version of Boys Scout or Boys Brigade, helping out at official functions and during emergencies whenever they are called upon to assist.
But after 1999, NSCDC started changing in both status and stature. This change started with the appointment of a new Commandant-General of the NSCDC, Dr. John Adewale Abolurin. Ordinarily the head of such an organisation ought to have been somebody with military or paramilitary background. But Abolurin has no military or paramilitary training whatsoever. His major qualification for the job is his close affinity to the former president, Olusegun Obasanjo. According to sources, the relationship between Obasanjo and Abolurin is more than ordinary; Obasanjo needed to pacify Abolurin over some delicate matter affecting the children of the duo.There is therefore a family bond, possibly a common grand child.
But along the way, and as is usual with Obasanjo, he realized that he could turn a quasi-moral problem into a political solution. He could, for instance convert the NSCDC into a personal security out-fit that could do his bidding where the police would be handicapped by legal restrictions.
So first he needed to burnish the image of the NSCDC through massive injection of funds, while raising its profile through a sustained media campaign. In this Abolurin, a sociologist, proved to be a most worthy accomplice. Within a short time he became prominent, visible and often controversial. He is naturally flamboyant and media savvy. By 2003, the NSCDC had become so visible one would think it was the police and vice versa. The first step in upgrading the organization to a visible, effective, if not respected ‘paralleled police force’ was complete.
The next step was to give legal bite and arsenal to the NSCDC. Again, Obasanjo got a group unwary federal legislators to ensure the passage of a bill establishing the NSCDC. The bill was passed and it became an ACT on 28 June 2003 after Obasanjo had appended his signature. Obasanjo’s original plans was to use an armed NSCDC to act as alternative ‘police’ in enforcing his third term agenda. With that agenda’s defeat he now has an alternative agenda, which is no less diabolical.
The NSCDC owes its existence to Obasanjo; so does its command structure under Dr. Abolurin. Out of power, stripped of the command of the armed forces, the police and the state security services (SSS), Obasanjo knows that he would need the support of an agency like the NSCDC to help him enforce his will when the need arises, which can be as early as the next local government elections. This is his ultimate objective as far as the NSCDC is concerned.
The trouble is, for the NSCDC to enforce anything its operatives need to be armed. A few weeks before he left office Obasanjo again connived with some unscrupulous legislators led by an ANPP gubernatorial candidate from Kaduna and had the NSCDC Act amended to allow its members to carry arms.
Thus last week, through its Jigawa state Commandant, Mallam Ahmed Danfulani, the NSDCDC announced that it would soon begin to carry arms, “in accordance with the law establishing it.”
This is where the situation becomes real dangerous for Nigeria and Nigerians.
Nigerians have more than enough problem with an armed police force, as it is. Poor salary, poor welfare packages have combine to make the Nigerian policeman a foe rather than a friend in the perception of many Nigerians. A very high percentage of the weaponry used by armed robbers has been firmed by many arrested robbers themselves to have come from their contacts in the police force; and to a lesser extent from military sources. Some police sources interviewed for the purpose of this essay also say that officers of the customs service also provide another fertile source of weaponry for armed robbers, Niger Delta militants and other criminals.
The cumulative effect of this is that there are already too many weapons in the wrong hands in circulation in Nigerian. In a volatile situation like this, the last thing we need is the release of additional weapons into the society through an ill-trained, inexperienced and green organisation like the NSCDC. At the very least, this is likely to double the chances of being shot of every Nigerian.
Do we need this? How effective has the NSCDC been in carrying out its mandate of “maintaining peace and order, monitoring activities, effecting arrest and handing over the culprit to police for prosecution, etc? Thanks to the favoured position of its Commandant-General, the NCSDC enjoys visibility through government media (mainly the NTA) more than the police. But outside that media campaign its impact in monitoring our neigbourhoods and fishing out criminals before they strike is almost nil.
Every informed opinion so far expressed says that with proper funding and motivation, the Nigeria police can do better. Through out the Obasanjo regime the salary of a police recruit, who is always in the first line of fire, is a paltry N11, 000. Last month the Yar’Adua government reviewed it by more than 140% to N26, 000. This is a good beginning. In addition the government is also planning a police Housing Scheme in all the 36 states of the federation and the FCT. The scheme, which is initiated by the Inspector-General of Police and an organisation called SAF CONCEPTS LTD, is aimed at providing affordable houses for officers and men of the police force.
This is also commendable, but the government should also review the compensation paid to families of officers and men killed in active service. At the moment it is about N500, 000. This should be reviewed to a minimum of N1, 500,000 and a possible automatic Merit Award if the circumstances show exceptional courage and patriotism.
It is in this area that government should consider additional spending, not on the procurement of arms and ammunition for an organisation whose common structure and royalty are untested.
Garba Deen is the Editor-in-Chief of the Companion newspaper
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